Trade advocates and a trade scholar discussed how effective U.S.-Asia sectoral agreements could be, as well as the possible downsides of such agreements, during an Asia Society Policy Institute webinar Jan. 26. The Japan mini-deal was not exactly a sectoral deal because it lowered tariffs on a variety of products across different categories, but the agreement's digital trade plank is one that negotiators could consider as a template for a digital trade accord across more Asian countries.
Mara Lee
Mara Lee, Senior Editor, is a reporter for International Trade Today and its sister publications Export Compliance Daily and Trade Law Daily. She joined the Warren Communications News staff in early 2018, after covering health policy, Midwestern Congressional delegations, and the Connecticut economy, insurance and manufacturing sectors for the Hartford Courant, the nation’s oldest continuously published newspaper (established 1674). Before arriving in Washington D.C. to cover Congress in 2005, she worked in Ohio, where she witnessed fervent presidential campaigning every four years.
Economics Professor Mary Lovely, who studies multinationals' operations in China, told the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission that the trade war didn't make the U.S. less reliant on China, and that export controls designed to isolate China have not been effective, either. She noted that China is still the top exporter to the U.S., and their goods make up 17% of U.S. imports. The Commission met online Jan. 28.
More than 70 trade groups from Europe and the U.S. asked President Joe Biden and European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen to remove or suspend tariffs on goods outside of aerospace and steel and aluminum that have been targets in those trade disputes. “Suspending these tariffs is urgently needed to address the economic harms our industries are currently facing and will also be a positive step to help re-establish a cooperative Trans Atlantic trading relationship,” they wrote in a Jan. 25 letter. COVID-19-related shutdowns made 2020 a tough year for business, they said, and “the ongoing EU-U.S. trade disputes and additional tariffs which continue to plague Trans-Atlantic trade have made a bad situation worse.” Signers include food, wine and spirits interests on both sides of the Atlantic; European tool, cosmetics and perfume industries; and a broad array of U.S. trade groups, among them the American Chemistry Council, the National Retail Federation, the American Apparel and Footwear Association, and the American Association of Port Authorities.
The European Union wants to work with America on ways to develop Artificial Intelligence standards, design a carbon adjustment border mechanism and stockpile medicines and personal protective gear in a way that lessens dependency on certain Asian countries, its ambassador to the U.S. said on a webinar hosted by the European American Chamber of Commerce
As the text of the EU-China Comprehensive Agreement on Investment was released Jan. 22, analysts are evaluating how much of a difference the agreement, if ratified, would make in the economic relationship between the parties to the pact. The Institut Montaigne, a French think tank that supports free markets, published a policy paper that said, “Overall, the EU-China CAI has been oversold and underpowered.” It noted that most of the annexes, that actually list the sectors in China that would be open to European investment, are still not published. Moreover, author François Godement said that there are qualifiers in the text that make some commitments unenforceable, such as China's pledge to pursue ratifications of International Labor Organization standards on forced labor.
Even though the Joe Biden administration will have a very different approach to trade than did the Trump administration, that will not mean a wholesale rejection of what its predecessors did, analysts said during a Center for Strategic and International Studies webinar Jan. 21.
Sen. Chuck Grassley, R-Iowa, a Senate Finance Committee member, said the Treasury Department secretary might be confirmed early next week, if not sooner, and he thinks it's more likely negotiations at the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development on taxes could progress than will a settlement of the Airbus-Boeing dispute. Treasury leads on the digital services taxes (DST) front, while the U.S. trade representative, whose nomination will not come as quickly, leads on Airbus-Boeing.
European Union Director General for Trade Sabine Weyand told an audience Jan. 15 that resolving punitive tariffs are “a prerequisite for creating a good atmosphere” so that the EU and the U.S. can coordinate on confronting China's trade abuses and creating a carbon border adjustment.
The U.S. Chamber of Commerce said further decoupling from China is certain if China doesn't do more to step up on industrial subsidies, intellectual property rights protection, trade secret theft and other U.S. companies' priorities. Myron Brilliant, head of international affairs for the Chamber, told reporters on a Jan. 13 call that there's not much political space for incoming President Joe Biden to roll back tariffs, even as his campaign was critical of the economic consequences of the trade war.
The United Steelworkers, the Steel Manufacturers Association, the American Iron and Steel Institute and two other trade groups wrote to President-elect Joe Biden on Jan. 11, telling him that weakening or removing 25% tariffs and quotas on imported steel “before major steel producing countries eliminate their overcapacity and the subsidies and other trade-distorting policies that have fueled the steel crisis will only invite a new surge in imports with devastating effects to domestic steel producers and their workers.” The letter said the Section 232 tariffs allowed idled mills to reopen and laid-off workers to regain their jobs. “Continuation of the tariffs and quotas is essential to ensuring the viability of the domestic steel industry in the face of ... massive and growing excess steel capacity,” they said, pointing to China, Vietnam and Turkey as countries that did not slow down steel production during the COVID-19 pandemic-induced recession.