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Greer: Everything 'on the Table' for USMCA Renegotiation

U.S. Trade Representative Jamieson Greer signaled that the Trump administration is preparing a broad overhaul of key parts of the USMCA, focusing on changing non-automobile rules of origin to incentivize U.S. production.

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Speaking in a Dec. 10 interview with the Atlantic Council, Greer said that the first Trump administration had prioritized U.S. automobile production through rules of origin changes and that he wanted to take a "similar approach" to non-auto rules of origin. He said that the low most-favored-nation rate on autos of 2.5% constrained how much leverage the first administration had, but that has now been fixed using Section 232 tariffs: "Now that we have the reciprocal tariff overlay of Section 232, I think we have more incentives to create more U.S. and North American content."

Asked whether revisions should be done trilaterally or through bilateral agreements, Greer said the latter is already happening in practice. “Our economic relationship with Canada is very, very different than our economic relationship with Mexico,” he said, citing differences in labor markets, trade profiles, and rule of law. “I have not had a meeting this year where I sat with Canada and Mexico in a room and we talked about USMCA.”

He did not go so far as to promise to fully leave the agreement, but neither did he rule it out: “Could it be exited? Yeah, it could be exited. Could it be revised? Yes. Could it be renegotiated? Yes ... All of those things are on the table."

When asked if he anticipated submitting a revised pact for congressional approval, Greer said he would if it was necessary: “If we need to have a vote to change something in U.S. law, of course we’re going to go to Congress,” he said. But he said if the agreement turns out like "some of our reciprocal trade agreements" where "it’s mostly just changes on the other side of the table," then “you don’t necessarily have to go.”

Greer emphasized that the administration has “many statutory delegations” it can use if the Supreme Court issues a negative ruling on the president's use of the International Emergency Economic Powers Act to levy tariffs. He cited Section 232 and Section 301 as unaffected by the litigation, and said other authorities, such as Section 122, are being evaluated. He declined to outline contingency plans, saying he is "under strict instructions from my general counsel not to reveal the backup plan." Asked whether the administration could recreate IEEPA tariff revenue through other tools, he said, simply, “Yes.”

When asked if he anticipates difficulty with the refund process should IEEPA be ruled out, he dodged, saying that was a question for the Treasury Department, though he said he had spoken to the CBP commissioner the previous day about the topic. "Obviously, people think about how this might work. I don’t know what the timeline looks like, though," he said.

Greer said that he would prefer to enact tariff policy by adjusting the Harmonized Tariff Schedule and raising MFN rates, rather than through unilateral executive action, and said that the administration has "had discussions in the White House about the viability of this." He acknowledged that it would be "really challenging," though, and said he was "jaded" by the legislative process. However, he said, he has "had members of Congress come up to me who I would not characterize as fans of tariffs" and express openness to legislation.

Greer acknowledged importers' frustration with the complexity of overlapping tariff regimes, saying he is "sensitive to the complexity question" as a trade attorney. He said the administration has issued guidance to prevent “stacking” conflicts between Section 232 and reciprocal tariffs. “Naturally, when you are moving trade policy that’s been more or less the same for seventy years to a new outcome, there’s going to be challenges,” he said.

He stressed that the administration is "committed to making it as smooth as possible" for importers, and said his previous-day talk with the CBP commissioner about the issue showed that "we’re very open to feedback on complexity."

He declined to commit to fewer tariff actions when asked whether 2026 would be quieter than 2025: “That’s a question for President [Donald] Trump.”

On China, Greer rejected the traditional framing of “hawks” and “doves,” saying the administration sees itself simply as “pro-American.” He said other countries sometimes talk about “aligning on China,” which he described as “code for ‘don’t put tariffs on me.’” He stressed that the administration still wants a constructive relationship with Beijing, in keeping with recent overtures (see 2512050013). “There’s a lot of area where we should trade with China,” he said, including consumer goods, agriculture, aircraft and medical devices.

On the topic of provisions in the Malaysia and Cambodia trade deals that obligate the countries to match U.S. tariffs, Greer said that they give the U.S. "that option" should "broader action" become necessary "with regard to third countries." He was quick to assure that the provisions weren't specifically targeted against China, which has expressed growing concern about them (see 2512080046).

Greer confirmed ongoing talks with Indonesia and said he hopes to finalize a deal soon. He said Trump’s recent positive interactions with Brazil’s President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva during discussions on lowering tariffs on coffee and cocoa had improved the country's standing. He said the administration wants "a better trade relationship with them," noting the Western Hemisphere’s importance in the national security strategy.

On the EU, Greer criticized the Digital Markets Act and Digital Services Act, saying he has seen “zero moderation” in their implementation despite commitments to treat U.S. digital firms fairly. “What we think is fair treatment and what they think is fair treatment is quite different,” he said.

Greer also questioned the relevance of the World Trade Organization, saying it lacks the ability to address overcapacity or ensure transparency among members. He said the U.S. will have to rely on unilateral measures with “willing partners.”